|
On
19 February, the Al Akhbar daily ran an article I wrote on Sa’ad
Zaghlul's extraordinary political skills which enabled him to gain the full
confidence of Egypt's Copts and Moslems alike. That confidence reached its
peak in 1919 when all Egyptians saw Zaghlul as the symbol of national
salvation and the rallying point for national aspirations, when both Copts and
Moslems forgot their bitter conflicts, for only eight years had elapsed since
that somber time. The article won praise from several readers, including two
whose opinions I particularly cherish: the most eminent religious personality
in the Moslem community and his Coptic counterpart.
Most
of those with whom I discussed the article, including the two religious
leaders, urged me to write another on the subject of religious extremism in
Egypt. I would have preferred to tackle that phenomenon in a book, yet the
regrettable flare-up of sectarian violence in the past few days makes it
imperative for all Egyptian writers who support democracy as the supreme value
attained by civilization to address the subject. Another motivating factor is
the appearance of a spate of recent articles attributing the spread of
religious extremism in Egypt today to external factors, such as foreign
incitement and the financing of extremist movements in general, and of
fundamentalist Islamic groups in particular.
This
attribution is extremely dangerous because, by presenting the issue of
religious extremism as a security problem—to be dealt with by the police and
other security bodies—removes it from the realm of problems amenable to
political solutions. Those who are quick to point an accusing finger at
external forces should realize that if Egypt had been a haven of social
tolerance, brotherhood and peace, it would not have been susceptible to
interference from abroad and that it is other, local, factors which have
created a climate favorable to the success of such attempts.
In
fact, the roots of religious extremism in Egypt stem from three sources. The
first is the harsh treatment meted out to the Islamic trend in Egypt by
Nasser's regime. Ever since the disputes between the regime and the Moslem
Brotherhood erupted into serious conflict, the regime resorted to force and
torture against the movement. This happened in 1954 and again in 1965 when the
confrontation was even more acute. Certainly the methods used by Nasser
against the Islamic currents, whose members were persecuted, imprisoned,
exiled and tortured, created generations of extremists among those who had
suffered at his hands as well as from their progeny. Had they not been crushed
by Nasser, the Moslem Brothers would most likely not have produced elements as
extremist, as reactionary and as insular as the militant Islamic groups we see
today.
Thus,
once again we can see that terror breeds terror. The repression of ideas and
beliefs produces unexpected forms of extremism, violence, terrorism and even
crime. Significantly, the four largest terrorist groups in the world today
emerged in countries which were subjected to repressive dictatorships for long
enough to produce those forms of organized violence: the Bader Meinhof Gang in
Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Red Army in Japan and the Basque group
ETA in Spain. These organizations emerged in the fascist countries which
formed the Axis in World War II, with the exception of Spain which,
nevertheless, was also a bastion of fascism under Franco.
In
Egypt too, the many years of repressive dictatorship generated a climate of
extremism where it had never previously existed.
The
second source of extremism in Egypt today is the prevailing socioeconomic
situation. Poverty, the decline in living standards, the appearance of a very
wealthy minority noted for its conspicuous consumption, the harrowing problems
of daily life and the social anarchy they create, and a breakdown in
society’s system of values—the cornerstone on which the system is
built—combine to create the perfect climate for extremism and the spread of
totalitarian tendencies, whether towards the left into Marxist groups or
towards the right into sectarianism and religious dogmatism.
Karl
Marx's famous appeal to the working class, "Workers of the world unite!
You have nothing to lose but your chains!" well illustrates the link
between extremism and depressed socioeconomic conditions. Economic crises
generate feelings of deep frustration, especially among the young, who despair
of obtaining their legitimate right to a decent life. The lack of access to
such basic necessities as a home, food and clothes—and education—make them
susceptible to hardliners who claim that society is corrupt and doomed and
that it should be destroyed to make room for a better society. These
disenchanted youngsters were never given the tools to compare their society,
whatever its shortcomings, to the insubstantial dream they are offered. Thus
the crushing economic crisis and the ensuing breakdown in social values
provide an excellent opportunity for advocates of extremism, whether
communists or militant religious elements, to peddle their ideas.
Finding
radical solutions to the social and economic problems besetting Egypt would
certainly help extirpate some of these problems, reducing the appeal of the
extremism we are witnessing today.
The
third source can be attributed to external factors. Egypt is in the eye of a
storm of radicalism blowing from every direction in the Middle East,
especially from Iran and Lebanon, and the contagion is helped along with
foreign funding and incitement. This unhealthy climate is due to internal as
well as external factors, mainly that the region, which did not succeed in
producing democratic regimes, has now fallen into the clutches of ruthless
forces: Zionism, arms dealers and other parties with a vested interest in
keeping the region in ferment.
The
protection of Egyptian society from the scourge of foreign intervention and
financing is, of course, the task of the security forces. But important as
this is, their role in dealing with the phenomenon of religious fanaticism
cannot eliminate its causes nor bring it to a halt. The only proper cure is a
combination of real democracy (as opposed to window dressing) and firm action
by eminent religious figures who should use their moral authority to contain
the problem, not fan the flames of extremism as so many do. Last but not
least, we need the vigilance of the security forces, particularly in Upper
Egypt where traditional tribal values combined with religious fanaticism
constitute a highly explosive mixture.
|