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For any person concerned with
the world of ideas, particularly as they relate to the social sciences and
the dynamics and distinctive systems of ideas governing different
societies, some issues acquire greater resonance than others. An issue
that has been at the forefront of my concerns for some years now is the
prevalence in Arab societies in general, including Egypt, of the
conspiracy theory. As far as many millions of Egyptians and Arabs are
concerned, the following propositions have become virtual articles of
faith:
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The blueprint for our recent history and present
reality was drawn up by the great powers, and what we are now living
through is the product of their machinations.
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The powers responsible for this grand design were
Britain and France in the past and the United States, aided and
abetted by its protégé, Israel, in the recent past and the
present.
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The plans were prepared in great detail by those
powers, leaving little room for manoeuvre to those at the receiving
end, including ourselves, who had no choice but to follow the course
charted for them.
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Accordingly, we bear very little responsibility for
what happened in the past, what is happening in the present, indeed,
according to some, for what will happen in the future, all of which
is the predetermined result of a grand design it is beyond our power
to change.
When the
element of Israel is added to this theoretical buildup, the picture
becomes even more inflammatory and provocative. Moving from generalities
to specifics, it is normal from this perspective to see even the landmark
events of our modern history as resultants of the plots hatched by the
great powers. These include the 1956 war, Syria’s secession from Egypt
in 1961, the Yemen war of 1962, the June 1967 disaster, the failure to
crown the glorious crossing of the Suez Canal in October 1973 with the
military liberation of the whole of Sinai, President Sadat’s visit to
Jerusalem in 1977, the Camp David accords signed between Egypt and Israel,
the demise of the Soviet Union and the structural collapse of socialism
everywhere. By the same token, the emergence of the United States as the
sole global superpower, the New World Order, the GATT and many other
developments are perceived as the consummation of the plans laid down by
the great powers as a blueprint for history.
A paradox worth
studying is that this view is shared to varying degrees by the following
disparate groups:
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All those who can be classified as ‘Islamic’
believe profoundly in the truth of the propositions which collectively
form the conspiracy theory. The groups in question include the Moslem
Brothers, the Gama’at Islamiya, the Jihad and all
fundamentalist movements, indeed, even the most moderate of the
Islamic trends. It pains me to have to use the epithet Islamic to
designate groups that are basically nothing more than political
organizations, because this implies that whoever does not belong to
those groups should be classified as ‘non’- or ‘anti’-
Islamic. Although I am the first to challenge the validity of this
obviously ludicrous implication, I am forced to use what has become
the widely accepted terminology to describe these groups. If we had to
identify the most devoted adherents of the conspiracy theory, there is
little doubt that this dubious distinction belongs to the Islamists.
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All those who can be classified in one way or another
under the banner of socialism, from Marxists to socialists, passing
through tens of subdivisions of leftist or socialist orientation,
including the Nasserites, also subscribe to the conspiracy theory,
albeit less rigidly than the Islamists. For while they believe in the
theory as a whole and,
accordingly, in the propositions on which it is based, their belief is
not shrouded in what can be called the spirit of jihad or militancy,
nor grounded in anti-Christian feelings as is the case with the
Islamists.
Of course, the difference in the degree of rigidity of
the belief and the fervour of the conviction is due to the theocratic
ethos of the Islamic groups and the more scientific, progressive and
modern spirit of socialist ideas, even if the failure of those ideas to
achieve their aims or live up to their slogans proves that they are
inherently flawed.
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The third and final group is made up of ordinary
citizens in the Arab world and Egypt, who belong neither to the
Islamic school politically nor to the socialist school ideologically,
most of whom are inclined to believe in the conspiracy theory and to
accept the validity of the propositions on which it rests without
question.
It is essential to remember, however, that the reasons
behind the adherence of each of the three groups to the conspiracy theory
derive from different sources.
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The Islamists, in all their subdivisions, consider
that the history of the region is the history of a conflict between
Islam on the one side and the Judeo-Christian world on the other. As
far as they are concerned, the Crusades never stopped, only now they
are being waged not on the battlefield but elsewhere. This group
attaches great importance to the Jewish dimension, which it blames for
many of the ills besetting the Arab/Islamic world and the disasters
which have befallen it.
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The socialist group, in the broad sense of the word,
views matters from the perspective of the struggle between what it
calls the forces of imperialism and the oppressed and exploited
peoples of the world.
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As to the third group, the multitude of ordinary
citizens who subscribe to the conspiracy theory, they reflect the
climate of opinion created by the information media, many of the key
constituents of which are controlled in this part of the world either
by the socialist trend or the Islamic trend, and which repeatedly
spout the propositions on which the conspiracy theory rests as though
they were gospel truth. In
societies not characterized by a high level of education
and culture, the information media (including the mimbar, or pulpit, of
the mosque) can be used to brainwash and indoctrinate public opinion. It
is enough to recall that the ministry of information in some countries was
once called the “ministry of guidance”, a clear admission of the
function it sets itself, which is to guide and direct.
Actually, the sources from which the three groups draw
their belief in the conspiracy theory are wholly illusory, with no basis
in fact, history or logic. The history of the peoples of our region would
have been the same, including their subjugation by western colonialism,
even if the region had been part of the Christian world. The West did not
colonize us because we were Muslims, but for quite different reasons. On
the one hand, we were backward and hence susceptible to foreign
domination, easy pickings, as it were. On the other, the whole colonial
enterprise was motivated in the first instance by economic considerations,
and, to a lesser degree, by cultural, or ‘civilizational’,
considerations, which constitute a broader framework than religious
factors. Although much can be said to refute the naïve view that the
region’s history with western colonialism can be reduced to a question
of religion, it is sufficient here to cite but a few of the many examples
attesting to the contrary to realize how widely off the mark this view is.
Those who maintain that we would not have been colonized
but for the fact of our Muslim heritage conveniently forget the dark
chapter of our history under the dominion of the Ottoman empire, when the
colonized Arab peoples were subjected to the worst kinds of abuse by their
colonial masters, despite the fact that both colonizer and colonized
belonged to the Muslim faith. Throughout the eighteenth century, our
ancestors were in a deplorable state of backwardness, even though they
were Muslims occupied by Muslims, the Christian West as yet absent from
the scene. The same situation prevailed when the Zionist movement was
launched by its Hungarian-born founder, Theodor Herzl, towards the end of
the nineteenth century; indeed, we had remained locked in a state of
medieval backwardness for more than six centuries preceding the emergence
of the Jews as a political force capable of affecting the course of events
in any way.
Though in many ways wrong, the socialist reading of our
history with colonialism is right in that it approaches the issue from an
economic perspective. Certainly the economic factor was the driving force
behind the West’s imperialist ambitions in the region over the last two
centuries. But this was within a framework quite different from that of
the conspiracy theory, as we shall explain later.
As to the group of ordinary citizens enamoured of the
conspiracy theory, for all that their logic is impaired and cannot stand
up to any sort of serious discussion or analysis, it is in a way
understandable. For even the most outlandish statement, if repeated often
enough, can come to be accepted as true, especially in a society in which
half the population is illiterate and the other half displays only a very
modest standard of education and culture. Here lack of sophistication
provides a fertile breeding ground for the most untenable, demagogical and
unfounded assertions to take root and flourish.
To my mind, the real issue is that most of those who
subscribe to the conspiracy theory know very little about the nature and
mechanisms of the capitalist economy or what is called a market, or free,
economy. The essence of capitalism is competition, a notion which means
many things, some positive and wholesome, others negative and unhealthy.
But given that all the ideological alternatives to the market economy have
failed lamentably, wreaking such havoc in the societies which adopted them
that they have been relegated to the museum of obsolete ideas, we must
under no circumstances let our nostalgia for the past or our emotional
reaction to certain aspects of capitalism drive us back into the world of
socialist ideas. Those ideas have caused so much loss, damage and human
suffering that they have forfeited the right to be given a second chance.
Indeed, experience has proved that socialism (both as an ideology and in
terms of practical application) is not a viable system of beliefs.
As we have said before, however, competition, which is the
backbone of the capitalist economy, is a notion that carries within it not
only positive aspects but also highly negative ones. On the positive side,
it works to the benefit of individuals and the enhancement of their
quality of life because, by definition, it leads to a process of constant
upgrading of the type and quality of products and services, which in turn
often leads to reducing their cost or price.
On the negative side, it sometimes deteriorates into
vicious struggles between the producers of products and services,
struggles that can take such diverse forms as driving a rival out of the
market, marginalizing the role of others and grabbing the largest share of
the market or markets. This feature of the western capitalist system
engenders the belief in countries without a long tradition of
industrialization and advanced capitalist services that they are the
victims of a well-planned conspiracy.
It is this aspect of competition that I want to cast some
light on, because unless we understand it well and accept that it is an
inevitable if unfortunate feature of the market economy, unless we devise
a strategy to deal with it as a fact of life in our contemporary world, we
will not attain any of our goals. The competition to which I am referring
here, which is one of the main cornerstones of economic life based on the
dynamics of a market economy, was responsible for the wars that tore
Europe apart in the last three centuries, indeed, for the two world wars
this century has witnessed.
But after centuries of fighting amongst themselves, the
Europeans came to realize in the last three decades that the advantages of
putting an end to the strife that had convulsed their continent throughout
much of its history greatly outweighed the advantages of allowing a spirit
of contentious competition to continue ruling their lives. And so
competition in its extreme form was displaced from Europe into other
arenas. The rationale now governing competition in Europe, which continues
to thrive in many different shapes and forms, is mutual coexistence and
consensus on a framework of checks and balances in which competition is to
operate.
To better illustrate the point I am trying to make, I
would like to draw attention here to a very simple fact, which is that, in
an economic system based on competition, the strategic interest of the
producer, or seller, is to remain a seller while ensuring that the buyer
of his products or services remains a buyer as long as possible,
preferably forever. There can be no switching of roles here. This simple
principle is the essence of that aspect of competition which many in our
part of the world tend to regard as indicative of a conspiracy. Although
in a way it does resemble a conspiracy, it is very different in terms of
motivation and the rules which determine its inner workings. This law, one
of the laws governing competition in a free-market economy, operates
within advanced industrial societies. Its application outside those
societies is thus inevitable, expected and unavoidable.
In other words, the economic system in force in the
advanced industrial countries (now also advanced technologically and in
the services sector) is based on unavoidable conflicts fueled by
competition, which manifest themselves in endless attempts to capture the
largest possible share of the market. This means that the big fish are
constantly trying to swallow the little fish. This process and its
negative, not to say ferocious, aspects, operates both inside a given
society and beyond (where it is liable to be even more ferocious). The
terminology and practices of modern management sciences contain many terms
and notions that, in the final analysis, serve competition in its various
aspects (both positive and negative). While I do not want to bother the
reader with a detailed account of this terminology, the analysis given in
this article would be incomplete if I did not mention at least some of the
principal notions which have become part of the lexicon of modern
management sciences in the contemporary world, such as quality management,
global marketing, data confidentiality, the plethora of occupational
health systems and environmental considerations. These and tens of other
recently-coined terms are tailored essentially to serve the interests of
the big fish who, by applying them, can successfully swallow the small
fish.
We can now add to the big-fish-eat-small-fish law a new
law running parallel to it, which is that the swift and efficient fish
will gobble up the fish that are less swift and efficient. The huge
conglomerates that have emerged on the global stage in the last twenty
years in the fields of industry, services, technology and commerce attest
to the growing ascendancy of this new law. It is very important here to
distinguish between what we want to see and what we cannot avoid seeing if
we do not want to delude ourselves. These laws exist and are fully
operational and there is no hope after the demise of socialism of
replacing them with laws that can ensure success, abundance and the
avoidance of these aberrations (for those who regard them as such).
It must be said that even the most widely-read and highly
cultured intellectual would be unable to fully grasp those new realities
and laws if his cultural formation is based exclusively on a familiarity,
no matter how deep and extensive, with all human and social sciences, but
without any knowledge of the modern sciences in the fields of management,
marketing and human resources and the tens of new specialized fields which
have branched out of them. No matter how deeply a person may have drunk
from the tree of
knowledge, how familiar he is with the works of thinkers
from Socrates to Bertrand Russell, passing though the thousands of names
and areas of human knowledge, if his cultural baggage does not include a
working knowledge of contemporary sciences in the fields of management,
marketing and human resources, he will be unable to grasp the essence of
these laws. In a way, he would be like a physicist who devotes fifty years
of his life studying physics since the dawn of history with the exception
of the last half century. Although he would in such case be well
acquainted with the history of the subject, what he knows belongs in a
museum of the past and is in no way suitable for the modern world.
Unfortunately a not inconsiderable number of Third World
intellectuals are like our fictitious physicist: they know a great deal
but their knowledge does not extend to new areas. Not only that, but these
intellectuals continue to engage in lengthy debates in which they use
obsolete terms of reference which confirm that they are living in the
past, and, consequently, unable to comprehend what is happening around
them. Indeed, these obsolete frames of reference stand as obstacles in the
way of society’s ability to take the only means of transportation that
can carry it to the desired destination, or, stated otherwise, its ability
to play the game according to the new rules of the game, not according to
utopian rules that exist only in the minds of those who remain locked in
the past.
Having come this far in our analysis, we can proceed no
further without addressing an issue that is inextricably linked to any
discussion touching on the subject of conspiracies and the conspiracy
theory, namely, the Japanese phenomenon. In a lecture delivered in Tokyo
in December 1966, the author of this article credited Japan with playing a
vitally important role in his intellectual formation, explaining that its
experience had convinced him that the conspiracy theory, whether imaginary
or real, was far less potent than it is made out to be. If one believes in
conspiracies, then surely there could be no conspiracy more heinous than
the two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. For by
definition a conspiracy seeks to inflict injury on the party against whom
it is aimed, and there can be no greater injury than the atomic
devastation rained on Japan over half a century ago.
Japan’s refusal to remain locked in the spiral of defeat
proves that even assuming a conspiracy does exist and that, moreover, it
attains its full scope, which is the infliction of maximum damage on the
party against whom it is directed, the conspirators cannot achieve their
ultimate aim unless the targeted victim accepts to be crushed. Japan has
risen like a phoenix from the ashes of the atomic blasts to become the
main rival of the very powers that seemed, in 1945, to have succeeded in
bringing it to its knees.
The most important thing left to say about the unshakable
belief in the conspiracy theory that seems to have taken hold of the Arab
mindset is that it denotes a complete denial of a number of fundamental
principles we must never lose sight of:
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It proceeds from the assumption that while the
conspirators enjoy absolute freedom of action when it comes to
exercising their will, the parties conspired against are totally
devoid of that prerogative. This endows the former with the
attributes of motivation, determination, will and the ability to
make things happen while stripping the parties conspired against of
all these attributes, reducing them to objects rather than subjects,
inanimate pawns moved every which on the chessboard of history
according to the whims of others.
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It denies the parties conspired against the quality
of nationalism while attributing it exclusively to the conspirators.
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It makes the conspirators legendary figures in the
minds of those who consider themselves victims of conspiracies.
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It assumes that there is no way the parties
conspired against can foil the stratagems of the conspirators,
making for a defeatist and passive attitude that runs counter to
pride and self-dignity and to the notion that nations, like men, can
shape their own destiny.
All that I have written about the conspiracy theory would
be incomplete - as well as contrary to my beliefs - if the reader is left
with the impression that, first, I believe that conspiracy and conflict
are one and the same thing and that, accordingly, I do not believe that
conflict has been a constant
feature of human history; or, second, that I am denying
that conspiracies too have always been a part of that history.
In fact, I am profoundly convinced that human history is
made up of a series of conflicts and that, moreover, the world stage today
is the setting for numerous bitter and major conflicts. But I believe
conflict and conspiracy are two different notions.
Conflict means persistent efforts by given parties to
maintain whatever edge they enjoy over others, or even to expand that edge
and the privileges and advantages that go with it. But conflict also means
that contradictions are played out in a game that proceeds according to
certain rules which differ from one era to the next, so that whoever wants
to achieve a position of any prominence must wage the conflict with the
tools and according to the rules that will guarantee the optimal results.
Here the Japanese model emerges once again as the most salient proof of
the truth of this characterization. It goes without saying that conflict
is a relatively more open game than conspiracy, and that the degree of
ambiguity in which the game of conflict is shrouded (even those of its
features that are so ambiguous as to appear closer to magic than anything
else) is relatively less than that necessarily surrounding the conspiracy
game. Placing matters in the context of a conflict game rather than within
the parameters of a tight conspiracy that determines the course of history
encourages people to draw on their inner resources of pride, dignity and
determination to enter the game as active participants bent on affecting
its outcome to their advantage.
This is very different from the state of mind created by a
widespread belief in the conspiracy theory as the driving force of
history, which encourages people to adopt a passive attitude in the belief
that they have no choice but to bow to the inevitable, albeit with much
wringing of hands and loud complaints at the often disastrous results
coming their way, rather than rise to the challenge by becoming active
players determined to achieve honourable results in the game, even if the
cards are stacked against them.The experience of the Japanese, who have
waged one of the most ferocious conflicts in human history throughout the
last half century, stands as a testimonial to the triumph of the human
spirit in the face of great adversity. That is not in any way to imply
that history
is devoid of conspiracies; indeed, the annals of human
history are rife with examples of plots and counterplots. What I am trying
to say, rather, is that history is not a general conspiracy but the stage
for a fierce and relentless struggle on which those who quietly accept
whatever comes their way are relegated to the sidelines.
Finally, it is necessary to highlight here another
disastrous aspect of the rampant belief in the general conspiracy theory,
which is that aspect related to undemocratic rulers like some of those now
in power in the Third World.
The undemocratic ruler contributes with his ideas,
statements and information media to consecrating the belief in the
conspiracy theory, which is a useful fig-leaf behind which he can hide his
own shortcomings and failures, in that it allows him to blame the problems
and hardships faced by his people, and his inability to respond to their
aspirations, on outside elements, i.e. a general conspiracy, rather than
on the real reason, which is the absence of democracy and the existence of
rulers like himself who are usually not the most efficient, capable,
honest and cultured members of the society these rulers represent.
The real challenge as I see it is not a global conspiracy
but a global conflict, one that is ferocious, violent and dangerous, which
nations can only wage successfully if they are properly equipped for it.
And they can only be equipped if their leaders are men of vision operating
in a climate of democracy through cadres characterized by a high degree of
efficiency, ability, honesty and culture. It is impossible to overrate the
importance of this last attribute, for without culture there can be no
vision.
In conclusion, it must be said that though the logic of
the proponents of the conspiracy theory is based on a patriotic love of
country, and though I have absolutely no doubt that they are in fact
nationalists who want only the best for their country and people, the sad
fact is that, in the final analysis, their absolute belief in the
conspiracy theory renders them defeatists and advocates of the line of
least resistance, which is to bemoan their lot as parties conspired
against without making a serious effort to do anything about it.
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